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The original aims of this project were to explore the perception of risk amongst female sex workers, mainly in indoor sex markets, and the strategies they created to manage occupational hazards. A central objective was to explore how different types of occupational risks impacted on women’s personal and professional relationships. The majority of academic findings on prostitution establish the relationship between physical health, prostitution and ‘risky’ behaviour. My hypothesis was that this bias towards the tangible distorts our understanding in several ways. First, it focuses our attention on those aspects of prostitution that are most culturally visible, which emphasises the mores of street prostitution and implies that they apply to prostitution as a whole. Second, the concentration on disease and drug use not only blurs the whole picture of prostitution but distorts the emphasis on certain occupational risk while neglecting others. As an observer, it is hard not to presume the dominance of physical danger in the hierarchy of ‘harms’ that constitute the risks of sex work. Staying close to the perspectives of the women in my study has allowed me to identify how they rank the risks they face. The experience of sex workers shows that other harms – in particular, the risk of breaching the barrier around one’s private life and the fear of ‘being discovered’– can figure as large.
It is worth suggesting at this point, that other mainstream occupations experience danger and risk as part of their everyday working practices, yet do not attract the same degree of attention as the sex industry (for instance see Hobbs et al. 2003). The concentration on risk in the sex industry can be understood by what Scambler (1997: 112) describes as the ‘paradox of attention’ whereby the interest paid to prostitution reflects the excitement and titillation prescribed to the illicit nature of commercial sex, rather than a realistic account of the mundane, routine nature of swapping sex for money. It could be suggested that women who do not work in prostitution also consider the issues related to health, physical harm and the negative emotional consequences that arise from intimate, sexual relationships on a similar scale to what is suggested in this paper. It may be the case that sex workers are a group of women on the extreme end of a spectrum of women who contemplate risks in relation to sexual activity. Women who are not sex workers are subject to safety discourses regarding how to conduct themselves, what to wear, which places to visit and with whom, in order to prevent violence from strangers. The emphasis on the woman’s responsibility to keep themselves safe means that their lives are both consciously and unconsciously interwoven with safety strategies (see Stanko 1996). Perhaps then, all women construct a hierarchy of harm in relation to the consequences of intimate sexual relationships and create corresponding strategies to prevent such damage occurring.
The study and methodology.
This paper summarises some of the findings from a 10-month ethnographic study of the female sex industry in a British city, during 2000–2001. Like other studies, I approached a sexual health project that had been working with the sex industry, and was able to spend over 1,000 hours observing the indoor sex markets such as licensed saunas, brothels, women working from home or as escorts and, to a lesser extent, street prostitution. Although the activities surrounding the selling of sex are illegal in Britain, it is the street market that is heavily policed while indoor prostitution is tolerated or ignored.
The sample was purposively selected using three criteria. All the respondents defined their involvement in prostitution as voluntary; they were all aged 18 years or over and British citizens. They were all able to choose how to manage many aspects of their occupation. As Scambler (1997: 113) states, ‘There is a neglected group of women, proportionately more of them off-street workers from middle class backgrounds, who exercise conscious choice in turning to sex work’. This group were captured through 55 in-depth interviews with the following women: 23 sauna workers, 10 women who worked in brothels, 8 women who worked alone from rented premises, 5 street workers, 4 women who worked from home, 3 sauna owners and 2 receptionists.
The socio-demographic details of the sample reflect the general characteristics of the indoor sex market in the local area. The majority of women were White European (45/55), six others described themselves as Asian and a further four were of African-Caribbean origin. The age range of respondents who sold sex was 18–52 years, while the oldest respondent, who owned a sauna, was 55 years old. The mean age was 33.5 years, reflecting the general older profile of women who work in indoor markets. The average age of entry into prostitution was 23.1 years – higher than that found in other studies because of the concentration of indoor workers in the sample. Only four women confirmed they were using heroin and/or cocaine and all of these were currently on the street. Twenty-eight women lived with their partner while 11 others described themselves as single. Forty-one women were mothers and of these 21 described themselves as lone parents. Thirteen respondents said they kept their prostitution secret from their partner. Fifteen had histories of sexual abuse in childhood and had been in the local authority care system. Thirty-three respondents had worked in more than one market and 16 women had had experience of the street. Virtually all of the interviewees had had other jobs. Often these jobs were unskilled, manual work such as cleaning, catering or caring. Eight women, however, had professional qualifications in education, nursing, psychology and middle management.

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